“This is an enigmatic subject, dissented with great expertise…”

Dr Siphamandla Zondi

Programme Director

Institute for Global Dialogue

In this paper, Faten Aggad explores the political scene in Egypt, with specific focus on the democratisation process in the country, via the experimental introduction of political and state reforms.

The author presents this case-study within the broader context of the democratisation cause in the Arab and Muslim worlds, and provides a balanced assessment of Egypt’s progress in this regard to date. Aggad makes use of qualitative analysis and a variety of informed direct sources, based on her extensive fieldwork research in the country. The paper is systematically organised and comprehensive in its coverage of indicators and measurement instruments of good governance in Egypt, following the implementation of reforms, such as the Amendment of Article 76 in the Egyptian Constitution.

Aggad isolates the crucial issues that characterise political life in Egypt, most notably the burgeoning role of the Muslim Brotherhood, the 2005 presidential and legislative elections, and the controversial prospect of Gamal Mubarek’s dynastic ascendancy to the presidency. The author concludes her assessment with proposals for appropriate development options in the country, via further policy recommendations.

This paper is of great significance in its contribution to the limited available literature on the subject of political or state reform in the Arab world.

Given NEPAD’s vested interest in regional and continental economic integration, and the encouragement of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the African continent, this report seeks to address the challenges and prospects in encouraging FDI flows from Africa’s economic powerhouse, namely South Africa, into the Southern African region, and throughout the continent at large.

Wolfgang H. Thomas provides a concise yet detailed assessment of current trade and investment activities in Africa, with a view to highlighting the importance and mutually beneficial engagement of recipient and investing countries, between South Africa and developed nations, as well as inter-African partnerships. Thomas also identifies the risks and impediments currently hindering South Africa’s FDI flows, in order to further realise the ‘new African FDI paradigm’.

This paper is of great relevance to an under-researched area of South African-African economic and developmental linkages.

Ever since the collapse of the Siad Barre regime in 1991, Somalia has been ravaged by internal civil war and turmoil. This culminated in the balkanisation of Somalia into self-proclaimed autonomous regions as well as the unrecognised Somaliland state. Numerous conflict resolution initiatives by internal and external actors, aimed at salvaging Somalia from its status, have remained elusive. The 2005 agreement brokered by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development involving stakeholders and most of the players in the conflict provides the best hope for the reconstruction and restoration of legitimate authority in Somalia.

This book provides a detailed historical overview of Somalia and offers a comprehensive analysis of the trends that have unfolded since 1991, with the future prospects of the Transitional Federal Government established, following the 2005 IGAD peace process. Unlike other works on Somalia this book thoroughly analyses and details the internal dynamics of conflict that remain unacknowledged to external actors. It also contains the Somali Republic Constitution and the Federal Charter.

Botswana’s political and economic situation was shaped by the country’s political elite, and particularly the conflict that arose between and within various political elite strands through the generations. In the final decade of the 20^th century this elite conflict, characterised by intolerance and marginalisation, prevented constructive criticism and the cross-fertilisation of ideas. This, in turn, led to the stagnation of the country’s democratic development.

Whereas Botswana is undeniably the oldest, most peaceful and stable liberal democracy on the African continent, the elite conflict within the ruling party – in power since independence in 1966 – seems to have hamstrung meaningful political and constitutional reforms which could modernise the country’s democracy and perhaps lead to a successful economic diversification drive.

While the main opposition party has attempted to reform in line with global trends, its history has also been one of protracted and severe elite conflict. At the heart of elite conflict in Botswana’s political groups are issues of ascription and entitlement to the locus of political power, the presidency being the major prize. As in other African countries with small economies and little meaningful ownership of the means of production, political office in Botswana has become an avenue for accumulating wealth, power and influence.

This timely book examines Islamic fundamentalist ideologies in three African countries. Its analyses are grounded on a solid theoretical framework that leads to a better understanding of the complexities of fundamentalist thought. The book meets an urgent need for clarity and in-depth understanding in a world where greater knowledge and awareness is sorely needed. I recommend this book for a general audience as well as for specialists in the field.

Patrick O’Meara

Dean, International Programs

Professor, School of Public and

Environmental Affairs, and Political Science

Indiana University

Indiana, USA

________________________

This study gives an excellent theoretical understanding of Islamic fundamentalism in Algeria, Sudan and South Africa. It provides deep insights into the root causes of fundamentalism in Africa and has practical applicability for other cases as well. Nikki Funke and Hussein Solomon have made a valuable contribution to better understand fundamentalism and the ways to deal with it.

Prof. Dr. Rob de Wijk

Director of the Cingendael Centre for Strategic Studies

The Netherlands

__________________________

An important book that brings clarity and sympathy to a debate wrapped in stereotypes and myth rather than fact and analysis.

Dr Jakkie Cilliers

Executive Director of the Institute for Security Studies

Pretoria, South Africa

___________________________

Religious fundamentalism is a major development worldwide with important implications for nations and the international community. This book provides an in-depth analysis of the ideologies espoused by Islamic fundamentalist groups in three important specific country case studies: Algeria, Sudan and South Africa. It should be of broad interest to policy-makers and scholars, not only in these nations but elsewhere as well.

Michael D. Intriligator

Professor of Economics, Political Science, and Public Policy

University of California

Los Angeles, USA

_________________________

Religious resurgence has been attributed to many factors, including atomization of society, the need for social solidarity, global capitalism privileging secular elites, rise of nativisms as resistance, and the failure of ideologies of progress to respond to the basic human conditions of finitude, fragility, and failure. The authors of this volume focus on the historically and culturally specific conditions of Africa. In doing so, they have immensely contributed to the understanding of a complex phenomenon that defies easy rational explanations.

Majid Tehranian

Professor and Director of the Toda Center for

Global Peace and Policy Research

University of Hawaii

Hawaii, USA

____________________

A sophisticated sociology of knowledge statement  – “a dialogical model of interpretation” – lays the theoretical foundation for analysing four variations of Islamic fundamentalism, suggesting a bridge to deal with misconceptions from which western industrial and Islamic societies view each other. The detailed empirical study of three African social structures, highlighting fundamentalism and violence, demonstrates the power of this framework – a provocative and stimulating exercise. 

Saul Mendlovitz
Dag Hammarskjold Professor
Rutgers Law School

Newark, USA

Does NEPAD differ from previous plans for the development of the continent? Does it have the potential to become a feasible blueprint for the future of the new Africa? This book aims to enhance the debate about the NEPAD initiative and provide insight into the complex issues inherent in a new era for the continent. The contributors address the gaps in NEPAD, and critically address the socio-economic aspects of the initiative. A special section examines the impact of HIV/AIDS, and how the pandemic may influence the implementation of NEPAD. Recommendations are also directed at the greater effectiveness of NEPAD.

The chapters are based on a selection of papers presented at the 23^rd Southern African Universities Social Science Conference, and reflect the presenters’ interest in involving academics and civil society more generally in questions of development.

This paper aims to assess the development of human security in Africa, with particular reference to the Southern African region. It draws on selected studies to provide insight into the current defence and militarisation schemas of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). It also incorporates a comparative analysis of the South African and Northern Ireland demilitarisation agendas, as well as an investigation into the persistence of a military presence in the Algerian political arena, and the recourse to violence in conflict resolution.

Human security is a multi-faceted concept with socio-economic, cultural and political ramifications. The African continent is ravaged by conflict and war, which in turn undermines its economic and sustainable development in the global political economy. The role of civil society in the resolution of conflicts should not be undermined, as the majority of contemporary conflicts on the continent emanate from intra-state, as opposed to inter-state motives. Therefore, the need to mobilise an impartial third party, in the form of civil society representation, has become an imperative.

This notion was clearly illustrated in the liberation struggles of two Southern African nations, namely Zimbabwe and South Africa. The South African peace-support operations and the country’s active pursuit of a non-militaristic and inclusive security system in the post-1994 democratic government attest to its national and regional peace building achievements. Nevertheless, South Africa’s demilitarisation and disarmament agreement is masked by its proliferation and sales of arms.

The two case studies of demilitarisation in South Africa and Northern Ireland both reflect similar challenges of ethnicity, violence, material resources and a power-shift dynamic. The paper advocates that demilitarisation be promoted through the recognition of humanity, the implementation of youth programmes, reconciliation and trust, and the deconstruction of power relations and gender, ethnic, racial and class hierarchies.

The holistic nature of human security therefore involves not only traditional military aspects but also includes various non-military actors such as potential environmental disasters, nation states and civil society organisations as interconnected players in the conflict resolution paradigm.

Arabs and Africans; shari’ah and Christianity; agriculturists and pastoralists; insurgent groups and the government; the Janjaweed and internally displaced people; mineral wealth and disputed gains and territories – such is the nature and conduct of the conflict in Sudan.

This paper explores the volatile character of the Sudanese conflict, with particular reference to the political, environmental and economic factors that contributed to the emergence of hostilities in the region. The aim is to trace each aspect of the conflict, followed by a treatment of the government’s current military and political strategy in engaging in the strife in Darfur, insofar as ideological and party goals are concerned. Donovan du Plooy then addresses the international community’s involvement in identifying and addressing the humanitarian crisis. Finally, the author expresses his concern for the West’s inaction in treating the symptoms and ignoring the causes of the Sudan conflict. Multilateral decision-making, global pressure, government accountability and humanitarian assistance are recommended to put an end to the suffering of civilians in Sudan.

The Mazruiana Collection is the best reference work on Africa.

Africana Librarians Council, USA & Library of Congress (India)

Abdul Samed Bemath, the committed Pan Africanist, has given us the roadmap to navigate the mind of Ali Mazrui, one of Africa’s great thinkers. Not only do we have a book that leads us into the valley of knowledge; we have the key to open the door to scholarship of the future and the bright dawn that awaits Africa. Through this collection, we will discover intellectual prudence, stimulating words, theoretical virtuosity, and profound insights.

Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin, USA

*This title is co-published by AISA and New Dawn Press. It is distributed by the Africa Institute of South Africa in the Southern African region only. Please contact New Dawn Press (An imprint of Sterling Publishers (P) Ltd.), the co-publisher of the Mazruiana Collection Revisited, for orders outside Southern Africa:

e-mail: info@sterlingpublishers.com or visit www.sterlingpublshers.com

Against a background of institutional inequalities, skewed patterns of research output, and enduring problems of intellectual freedom and institutional autonomy, this report attempts to highlight some of the changes that have taken place in South African social science since 1994. The purpose of the report is two-fold. First, it is a modest effort to ensure that the subaltern voice of black scholarship in the social sciences is heard. Secondly, the chapters demonstrate just how little has changed in academia in the decade of democracy and how formidable the challenges are that remain.

“These thought-provoking essays are a significant addition to the critical scholarship in South Africa that has since the end of apartheid interrogated the slow pace of reform of an academy where knowledge production in the social sciences and humanities has traditionally been poisoned by institutionalised racism. The merit of this report is not only in revisiting issues which others are too eager to forget without resolving, but also, more importantly, in highlighting the continuities embedded in the discontinuities that are the song of the day in the new South African academy.”

Francis B. Nyamjoh, Codesria, Dakar, Senegal

This book represents the first of what is intended to be an ongoing publication by the
Africa Institute on the ‘State of Africa’ – and attempt to assess the condition of African continent without judging or coming to a ‘definitive’ diagnosis. In this volume, an attempt is made, aimed at the general reader, to provide as wide-ranging a coverage of the contemporary African condition as possible. The volume aims to provide an informative contemporary overview on a range of important topics.

In line with the general rationale of the publication, a series of maps and diagrams containing basic demographic information as well as country-by-country fact sheets have been included.

This paper questions the notion of free trade in the developing world, as advocated by the US Government initiative, the African Growth Opportunity Act. Whether in fact African nations are benefitting from this trading partnership with the USA is questionable. The establishment of Free Trade Agreements has not only been borne in the mind of the greatest world economy, but has also been pursued by the European Union, in the form of Economic Partnership Agreements.

Margaret C. Lee further assesses the positive and negative implications of the American economic partnership with the Southern African Customs Union, and its long-term impact on the Southern African region as a whole. The paper concludes with an examination of AGOA’s proposed transformation, from a Non-Reciprocal to a Reciprocal Trade Agreement, and the prospective expansion of access to African markets, which is therein envisaged.

Oil is as much a blessing as it is a curse, and it just so happens that this source of wealth and prosperity is paradoxically found in the developing and underdeveloped nations of the world.  For those who are in positions of power – oil multinationals, international agents and petro-state governments – oil is the dominant player in the political economy. In fact, the irony is implicit in the manner in which oil wealth is expropriated by local and international agents to deepen poverty, pollute and destroy lands and waters, and dispossess local communities of their oil rights, only to further the cycle of criminality, corruption, power and petro-violence.

The Niger Delta is emblematic of this paradox, as it hosts Africa’s second largest oil-exporting region, yet remains one of the poorest and least developed districts in Nigeria. The state is witness to the interplay of global, state and local posturing in the struggles for power over oil. This paper delves into the theoretical background of oil politics and governance in the region, followed by an assessment of critical issues relating to the violent dynamics of petro-politics in Nigeria. Cyril Obi examines the links between oil and violence, which have spawned and sustained the abuse of human rights, the lack of accountability of petro-states, corruption, misgovernance, the exploitation and poverty of petro-communities, and ensuing anger and conflict over the control of and access to the highly prized oil.

Cyril Obi is a Visiting Senior Researcher at the Nordic Africa Institute, Uppsala, and was appointed as the Claude Ake Visiting Professor for 2004 at the Department of Peace and Conflict Research at the University of Uppsala, Sweden. He is presently on sabbatical leave from the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs in Lagos, Nigeria, where he is an Associate Research Professor.

In recent times, tourism has begun to find much wider recognition as an economic sector that is able to make a considerable contribution towards development. As a result, tourism is now recognised as one of the sectors with the most potential to contribute to the economic regeneration of the African continent.

Within Africa, South Africa represents a special case, as the tourism sector was in fact anti-developmental during the apartheid period. Since the democratic transition, tourism has begun to be viewed as an essential sector for national reconstruction and development.

The objective in this volume is to contribute to ongoing policy debates as well as an academic understanding of the shifting role of tourism and development, and of tourism and empowerment. Some of the key themes dealt with in this book include pro-poor tourism, tourism education and the use of new technologies, investment, nature-based tourism, new products, and barriers to developmental tourism.

Although focusing on South Africa, the research reported here will have relevance and importance for tourism development in other parts of Africa and the rest of the developing world.

The second edition of this reader reflects the numerous evolutionary and progressive developments, which have taken place in Africa towards the advancement of common standards and values for democratic governance on the continent. A prime example of the advancement of democracy and African partnership is the formation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in executing political independence, human dignity, economic emancipation, and the affirmation of a shared identity through collective action.

By contrast, the first edition was more focused on the theorisation of development thinking, while this edition, in addition to concentrating on democracy and principles of good governance, also contains updated versions of two documents, and several additional documents, which serve to assist the reader in establishing a comprehensive understanding of Africa’s varied development experience. Thus, this edition is a continuation of the theory of Africa’s development thinking, with special focus on the political will to put this concept into practice.

In many African countries, the possibilities for democratisation are being strongly opposed at almost every turn by authoritarian and corrupt tendencies emanating from inherited institutions and from within new ruling elites. Individual competition, and the otherwise passive voter choosing periodically between competing elites, typify liberalism, and oppose participatory or popular democratic forms.

This significant new volume focuses on changing social structure and forces, such as new working classes, civil societies, and ruling and competing elites, in the three liberal democracies of Botswana, Namibia and South Africa. It concentrates in particular on those institutions which favour or oppose the achievement of accountable, open, and ethical government. The book seeks to interpret the important distinctions that exist between Botswana and its neighbours. The author argues that, even though the south is the most democratic region in Africa, this does not obscure the severe limitations of the liberal model, and the need to establish other and broader definitions of democracy.

Kenneth Good is Associate Professor of Political Studies at the University of Botswana, where he has been since 1990. In the 1980s he taught and carried out research at the University of Zambia, and he has also worked in Zimbabwe, Papua New Guinea, Fiji and Kenya.

The Southern African Development Community has been moving closer together in various spheres of collaboration, which has meant harmonising often very different policies and practices. This book looks specifically at the challenges related to harmonising security policies.

The key challenges for the region in developing a new, common security architecture include how to make a shift from state to human security, and how to move from national security considerations towards considerations of common security. Moreover, if common defence and security policies are to be realised in the sub-region, we need to give some thought to developing a common military doctrine, common command and control as well as common training. Whilst acknowledging the immense challenges confronting SADC, the tone of the book is far from pessimistic. Acknowledging the problems, it seeks to provide policy-oriented recommendations to overcome these obstacles to regional security integration.

The book provides a historical background to current developments as well as mapping out some of the challenges confronting the region’s policy-makers and citizens. It then focuses on the fundamentals of defence cooperation among SADC states, giving a detailed audit of SADC defence policies. The study then looks at the institutional problems besetting the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation, and evaluates the Mutual Defence Pact.

The support of the French Ministry of Defence in producing this report is gratefully acknowledged.

 The present situation of civil war and political unrest in many African states has reinforced the obligation of African leaders to uphold democratic principles through the consolidation of democratic institutions, and socio-economic and political development, in addition to the promotion of the individual and civil society at a continental, regional and national level.

 The formation of a Pan-African Parliament has come as a welcome initiative for the continent. Nevertheless, without the capacity, collective will, necessary resources and financing to implement policies on the continent, and the accessibility of the individual at ground level, this revolutionary institution will not succeed.

 This research report focuses on sub-regional and national African parliaments – including those of South Africa, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Senegal, Sudan, Nigeria, and Uganda – with the aim of establishing how their shortcomings and triumphs could be used to lay the groundwork for the continent’s first truly regional parliament.

In this volume, Francis Deng and Mohamed Khalil explore the issue of persistent violent conflict and discuss the manner in which the present peace talks have attempted to curtail the 20-year long civil war in the country. In addition to peace talks between the largely Christian southern region and the predominantly Islamic northern area of the country, and the expressed optimism of foreign peace envoys, a resolution has not yet been proclaimed. In turn, the armed conflict continues, depleting the country’s natural resources, forcing war refugees to neighbouring African states, and disregarding the emancipation of the people of Sudan and the preservation of sustainable development for future generations.

The peace process is outlined in the volume, with a discussion of the period prior to the signing of the Machakos Protocol in July of 2002, and the progress thereafter, which is defined by the continuation of negotiations on religion and state, self-determination and basic human rights. The two warring factions are expected to unite to form a new Sudan, governed by liberal and democratic ideals. If this is not a feasible solution, then the southern region will undoubtedly demand self-determination.

Overall, Africa enters the 21^st century as the poorest, least developed and most technologically backward of the world’s continents. One of the central factors that has been advanced to account for the rising impoverishment of African populations is the debt burden. It has been argued that Africa faces major development problems, but for many nations it is debt which is the most significant immediate barrier to the alleviation of other problems, including poverty. This volume interrogates the continent’s indebtedness, arguing that it is not only a burden to the present generation, but also a glaring impediment to development, effectively mortgaging the prospects of future generations. Attention centres on the welfare implications of indebtedness, especially as these affect the poor and the most vulnerable in society.

The volume contains both theoretical discussions of the interlinked issues of debt relief and poverty alleviation, and practical country case studies of ten southern and eastern African countries. As a result, it will be of interest to both scholars and policy-makers, as well as anyone concerned with the future of Africa.

Given the weakness of African states, peacekeeping responses have proved under-resourced, reactive and inadequate. More importantly, few African states have the capacity to project force over long distances. As a result, the debates around conflict prevention and management in Africa has revolved around preventive diplomacy. However, preventive diplomacy has a checquered pedigree in Africa. Preventive diplomacy proved successful in Mozambique but failed in Angola. What this publication attempts to do is, by means of country case studies, to arrive at best practices in the field of preventive diplomacy. As such the publication is not only aimed at the scholar but also at the policy-maker.